Learning Lessons from Giuliani
As we approach May 27th, Election Day for city halls and the autonomous communities in Spain, the campaign strategies of the conservative Partido Popular (PP) have me wondering if Madrid can learn some lessons from New York. With the PP having once more nominated its incumbents for reelection, Esperanza Aguirre, for the Community of Madrid, and Alberto Ruiz Gallardón for City Mayor, the two candidates promise continued service to Madrid through beautification of Madrid's landscape, its surrounding communities, and continued economic growth. But amidst the daily spectacles of ribbon cutting, photo ops, and inaugurations, what is lost in the awe of novel urban installations are the social issues facing Madrid: rising housing costs in post-euro Spain, and with it, a redrawing of socioeconomic boundaries that segregate the capital city between those who can afford housing in the center, and those who must move to the suburbs and the city's lower-income neighborhoods. Gentrification in Madrid is not only a matter of class difference, but is increasingly becoming rife with racial tensions. With a significant leap in immigrant population (nearly 30% of the city's population is no longer "Spanish" for a country that, two decades ago, was strikingly homogeneous), Madrid's demographic boundaries are rapidly becoming ghettoized, while Aguirre and Gallardón have turned a blind eye to the problem. Suburban violence against immigrants -like this winter's Alcorcón incident, when gangs of Spanish teenagers armed with kitchen knives rallied to "defend" their neighborhood against the "invasion" of "thieving" immigrants- has received more media attention, but these incidents have only been treated as such -- as "incidents," dispersed by police intervention, and unmet with discussion, either in the community or by government, regarding the matter.Nevertheless, the years of governance under Aguirre and Gallardón -one might even call it their only consistent "policy"- have provided a spectacular new capital city to live in.
The massive demolition and reconstruction of M-30, Madrid's southern highway, -a project that drew significant protests from residents, the ire of commuters, and a call for investigation into its hastened construction and environmental damage- will undoubtedly make the southern area of the city more attractive, once fully completed. Europe's tallest skyscrapers -not one, but four- have already begun to draw attention to Madrid, reasserting its status as one of the most important banking and commercial capitals in Europe. (The four pharaonic peaks, seen from anywhere in the northern part of the city, serve as a reminder that excessive displays of grandeur tend to incriminate the motives for overcompensation.)
The bid for the Olympics was lost to London in the last round of considerations two years ago, but this has not stopped Gallardón and Aguirre from vying for the next Olympic bid and developing new designs for the Olympic Villa, which now has its own (recently inaugurated) metro stop. Countless new metro stations, and renovations of existing ones, have been inaugurated in time for May 27th, making Madrid seem like a much larger and communicable city than when I first knew it, eight years ago.
In the past two months, Aguirre's office has published six press releases for her attendance at different inaugurations for metro lines, continued renovations and new stations, while her campaign ads will remind you of the same. In response to the complaints of Madrid residents regarding Gallardón's incessant construction efforts, the Community of Madrid has run a flashy public service announcement, not coincidentally in time for the campaign: "¿Qué pasaría si nunca pasara nada?" "What would happen if nothing ever happened?" The recent spectacles of inauguration ceremonies and monuments in Madrid have indeed subsumed the political scope of the electoral campaign. Novelty and awe have earned their place in the politics of smoke and mirrors, thereby supplanting any real social issues that face a rapidly changing city.I'm left to wonder if Giuliani's project to "clean up" New York in the 1990s, with its face lift that made a grungy city more palatable to tourism and investors, might provide some lessons for Madrid. After all, incessant ribbon cutting ceremonies -while their monuments and installations do leave Madrid a more eye-catching city to live in- cannot suffice for the long-term damage incurred by pushing the city's problems out of sight, to its marginal neighborhoods.


3 Comments:
The attitude of Madrid's city government is not "just a Spanish thing" - much as I am loathe to dispense with my usual easy explanation of anything I find irresponsible, stultified, or just plain lazy about the country I love to hate. It's actually symptomatic of what is a corporatist shift in decision-making forms, from large universities (like Michigan) to small liberal arts schools (like F&M, my alma mater) to large city governments (like NYC and Madrid). The answer to every question, even those which are not yet properly posed (like those of immigration, integration, etc.) is infrastructure: if you build it, prosperity will come. After all, the economy only emanates politics - that difficult, inefficient, unpredictable affair - as evidence of its imperfect organization, right? If everybody has what they need and want, who could possibly be unhappy, resentful, or suspicious of difference? You don't have to go as far as Madrid to see the stakes of this attitude. You only have to make reference to Virginia Tech. And that's all I'll do.
Now, I'm not going to go so far as to say that all politics is determined by infrastructure but... I am going to strongly disagree. Oddly enough Sharon and I had a conversation about just this sort of thing in a cafe on Miyajima, so my thoughts are actually pretty clear on this.
We mostly talked about American cities (and a little about Paris), but I'm going to use the examples of Tokyo and Nagoya.
Tokyo is not a "city" per se but in the collective imagination we still consider it one. It is in fact a collection of neiborhoods (called ku) massed together into what is called a fu. This means it technically operates on the same level as other prefectures, not cities. These neighborhoods have managed to retain their individual characters while still allowing people to move between them freely largely because of the presence of a cheap subway whose various lines interweave with each other in a series of loops. This combination of cheap, constantly running public transportation has meant Tokyo has managed to contain the threat of sprall by making it so that no one piece of real estate in the city provides a significant advantage over the other. You can swank it up in Roppongi or go low brow in Asakusa and suffer no real disadvantage either way.
Nagoya, until recently, was a city segregated from itself, as St. Louis is to this day. Before the completion of the loop line (the Meijo line), the eastern ku (like Showa-ku where the universities are) were largely cut off from the city's urban center around Nagoya station. In ye olden days, that meant it could take you just as long to get from Nagoya University to the main JR station as it took to get from there to Toyohashi on the other side of the prefecture.
And price is still a factor. The lowest price ticket in Tokyo is 120 yen (about a dollar) whereas the lowest price ticket in Nagoya is 200 yen. This means that someone living in Nagoya is less likely to go outside their ku unless travelling a significant distance. What I'm saying is both the pricing and organization of infrastructure can in fact contribute significantly, though I agree not determine, to the social segregation that takes place even within urban centers.
thanks for stopping 'round these parts, mike & nicholas. i don't think mike's point is entirely exclusive of yours, nicholas. in fact, i think pricing and organization of urban infraestructure (along with other factors that preexist any sort of social interaction, such as geographical boundaries and barriers, for example) are at play in molding how cities are navegated, inhabited, further contributing to how the city is imagined among socio-economic strata. for example, the pearl necklace wearing housewife who lives in barrio Salamanca is less likely to go to Lavapiés (recognized as a seedy, 'immigrant' neighborhood) to see a play in the new theater there. likewise, it's not coincidental that housing prices drop significantly once you cross the Puente de Segovia, in an area that -although two blocks away from the old city center- is geographically isolated from the rest of the downtown area. these factors are at play in how the city is inhabited and negotated in everyday life; in turn they negotiate how the city is inhabited. (er sumpthing?)
i see what mike suggests as a neoliberal politics of 'if we build it, prosperity will come' as indeed part of the same pie. the theater i mentioned above was built in Lavapiés, undoubtedly, as one of many recent projects in Madrid to 'clean up' the city and make it more palatable to wealthy patrons. but if we can learn something from NY, which is the point i continue to return to, then we should know by now that attracting wealth to 'seedy' areas (a percecption from the middle-class social imaginary), only displaces these perceived 'problems' and further segregates the city, provoking (class-based, racial) tensions.
in my hasty assessment over morning coffee, it's a process comparable to an internal colonization of the city, where the middle class imaginary (in politics) provides its own 'solution' as everyone's right to comfort. go benetton!
Post a Comment
<< Home